马斯克站队德国选择党选举：德国不应该为过去的罪行感到内疚。

In West Germany, according to the British historian Mary Fulbrook, of the nearly 1 million people who “were at one point or another actively involved in killing Jewish civilians” (the number of enablers was much higher), “only 6,656 were convicted of Nazi crimes” – “fewer even than the number of people who had been employed at Auschwitz alone”. By the end of the 20th century, only 164 individuals had been sentenced for the crime of murder – of 6 million Jews.

By 1965, Eleonore Sterling, a survivor of the Shoah and Germany’s first female professor of political science, was describing how “a functional philosemitic attitude” had replaced “a true act of understanding, repentance and future vigilance”. The historian Peter Gay, who had fled Nazi Germany with his Jewish family in 1939, was among the German Jews “sickened” by his former neighbours’ new “greasy delicacy, an ostentatious admiration for everything that Jews said, did, or believed”. So was the novelist Manès Sperber. “Your philosemitism depresses me,” he wrote to a colleague, “degrades me like a compliment that is based on an absurd misunderstanding … You overestimate us Jews in a dangerous fashion and insist on loving our entire people. I don’t request this, I do not wish for us – or any other people – to be loved in this way.”

Imagining Jewish Israelis as Aryan warriors, the German press further undermined that framework for understanding the world. At any rate, Bild likening the Israeli military leader Moshe Dayan to the Nazi field marshall Erwin Rommel wasn’t a contradiction. Such comparisons were an imperative for some beneficiaries of the German economic miracle. Marwecki writes that Adenauer made a major loan and the supply of military equipment “dependent on the Israeli handling of the trial” of Adolf Eichmann.

The Israeli philosopher Yeshayahu Leibowitz remarked many years after Eichmann was hanged that his “trial was a total failure; Eichmann really was a small and insignificant cog in a big machine. I think it was a conspiracy by Adenauer and Ben-Gurion to clear the name of the German people. In exchange they paid us billions.” Marwecki provides the belated evidence for this scandalous claim while describing the “exchange structure specific to German-Israeli relations”: moral absolution of an insufficiently denazified and still profoundly antisemitic Germany in return for cash and weapons.

As the historian Frank Stern unsparingly diagnosed in 1992 in The Whitewashing of the Yellow Badge, German philosemitism is primarily a “political instrument”, used not only to “justify options in foreign policy”, but also “to evoke and project a moral stance in times when domestic tranquillity is threatened by antisemitic, anti-democratic and rightwing extremist phenomena”. Thus, German Israelphilia and philosemitism is peaking just as there is again a recrudescence in Germany of far-right furies.

Refined during the cold war, this conception of the west had a large, self-flattering Anglo-American component, signifying electoral democracy, free markets and individual freedoms, in contrast to totalitarian regimes. But the US has lurched in the last decade from calamitously failed wars to far-right demagoguery, and Britain, deceived by blustery rogues into Brexit, is unlikely to recover soon from an extreme act of self-harm. The “political culture of the west” does not inspire great admiration even within the west today.


Revealingly, the binary of the enlightened west and unenlightened east – once used to authorise the Nazi quest for Lebensraum in the east and then adapted to serve cold war policy agendas – is the currency today of far-right nationalists across Israel, Europe and America. During Israel’s assault on Gaza, Netanyahu announced that he is fighting the “new Nazis” in Gaza in order to save “western civilisation”. Others in his cohort of Jewish supremacists kept up a supporting chorus denouncing the people of Gaza as “subhuman”, “animals” and “Nazis”. Hitler himself was convinced, when Jews were conceived as subhuman and animals, that the fate of western civilisation rested on his shoulders. And there was much about western democracies – especially their foundations in white supremacy, and cultures of racism and antisemitism – that allowed Hitler to believe that they would welcome his extermination of Jews.

https://www.theguardian.com/news/2025/jan/30/israel-and-the-delusions-of-germanys-memory-culture

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